Ruminations By The Lake: Augustine, the Letter to Sixtus and the Monks of Hadrumetum

“GOD CROWNS HIS GIFTS”: SAINT AUGUSTINE’S DE GRATIA ET LIBERO ARBITRIO IN LIGHT OF EPISTLE 194 TO SIXTUS

In 426 the monastic community of Hadrumetum in Byzacena (now Sousse, Tunisia) experienced disturbance after the arrival of a copied letter written some eight years previous. The letter’s original recipient was a Roman priest named Sixtus, later to become Pope Sixtus III (432-441). Its author was Augustine of Hippo (354-430) writing near the end of the Pelagian controversy. In this letter to Sixtus (Epistle 194[1]) the bishop of Hippo argued for the “utterly gratuitous character of grace”[2] against the Pelagians whose teaching over-emphasized the freedom of the human will.[3] It proved to be the deathblow in the dispute and the Augustinian doctrine of grace seemingly won the day. However, when the monks in western Africa read the contents of the letter they were thrown into confusion. It appeared to them that Augustine’s teaching on grace negated human action, rendering meaningless the monastic life.[4]
As a means of settling the issue the monastery’s abbot, Valentinus, sent three monks to consult personally with Augustine in Hippo. After spending a significant amount of time with him they returned to Hadrumetum in 427 with a letter from Augustine to Valentinus known as De gratia et libero arbitrio (Grace and Free Choice).[5] In it “the bishop of Hippo could now pay greater attention to resisting the denial of the existence of free will.”[6] This was the first of two treatises to the monks of Hadrumetum. The second is known as De correptione et gratia (Rebuke and Grace). These are included in a larger four-part collection of writings that deal with the problem of what is unhelpfully referred to as semi-Pelagianism.[7] Two other treatises were written to address a similar situation that occurred in a monastic community in Provence. These are De predestinatione sanctorum (The Predestination of the Saints) and De dono perseuerantiae (The Gift of Perseverance) respectively.[8]

Purpose
The general purpose of this thesis is to explore the relationship between Augustine’s teaching on grace and free will both in the letter to Sixtus and De gratia et libero arbitrio. In scholarly discussion concerning the events in Hadrumetum the relationship between Epistle 194 and De gratia et libero arbitrio is casually referred to. It has been observed in such introductory material that Augustine is especially attentive to grace when writing to Sixtus (and during the Pelagian controversy in general) while in the treatise to Hadrumetum the freedom of the will gains a greater hearing. For instance, Rebecca Weaver argues,
In this letter [to Sixtus] the bishop of Hippo had stressed his views regarding human nature and divine grace. He had insisted that the human condition as fallen in Adam is incapable of attaining merit on its own. Furthermore, he had argued that grace is utterly gratuitous; it is given totally apart from any human deserving to those whom it chooses. Somewhat in contrast to his position in this letter is the argument that he made in De gratia et libero arbitrio. In this treatise…Augustine tried to maintain the reality of the human free will, and he insisted that divine reward is given to human merit.”[9]

As well, Donato Ogliari says, “It is true that in the De gratia et libero arbitrio there is a kind of ‘front reversal’ with regard to the way Augustine approached the problem of nature and grace during the Pelagian controversy.”[10] Unfortunately in these and similar statements no further development of this relationship is offered and the historical survey usually carries on.
The particular concern of this thesis will be to evaluate the veracity of the claim that there is a difference in emphasis over grace and free will between the two documents. If such a difference can be established an attempt will be made to account for it both historically and theologically.

Methodology
The thesis will be divided into two main parts. In the first section thought will be given to Augustine’s teaching on grace and free will in Epistle 194 and De gratia et libero arbitrio. Each document will be dealt with individually and taken on its own terms with special attention given to doctrinal themes such as original sin, human inability, human merit, human responsibility, divine sovereignty, future rewards, etc., as they relate to either grace or free will. Section one will conclude with a bringing together of the two documents in comparison and contrast. The purpose will be to discover whether one theme, grace or free will, stands out against the other and in which document this occurs.
The second section will seek to provide an account for the difference in emphasis (if there is one) between the two documents. Issues concerning the historical background of each will be considered. Texts cannot be read without paying heed to context and a proper understanding of the occasions for writing will shed light on the reasons why certain emphases are found in each. For instance, Augustine wrote the letter to Sixtus because he feared that the future pope might support the Pelagians as he had in the past. In turn, his letters to Hadrumetum and Provence were intended to allay fears that divine agency would annihilate human freedom. The differences in authorial intent will hopefully explain why there is a difference in theological matter between the two.
Scholarly work on Augustine’s later anti-Pelagian writings would be profitable historically and theologically. In terms of history, the greater emphasis in Augustinian scholarship has been placed on the controversy between Augustine and Pelagians such as Pelagius, Caelestius, Julian of Aeclanum and the Massilian John Cassian. As noted below, some work has been done on the Hadrumetum confusion, but much more is needed. It is the intent of this writer to offer a unique contribution to this field of study by offering his comparison of Epistle 194 with De gratia et libero arbitrio. It is hoped that providing an adequate answer for their differences will either corroborate with the general claims made by scholars, or it will provide a necessary corrective.
Theologically a study such as this is helpful because the Massilian writings are essentially Augustine’s final words on grace and free will.[11] They represent the culmination of his thought on this subject and are written in a largely non-polemical fashion. The influence of Augustine’s teaching on grace is felt even today and a clear evaluation of it from both a polemical and pastoral perspective would be enlightening.
In terms of pastoral theology, Augustine’s letters to the Massilians are of immense value to the church. At the time of writing the author was near the end of a long and fruitful ministry. He wrote with great pastoral care, recognizing the genuine confusion in monasteries that had been generally sympathetic to his theological perspective and authority. Augustine took great pains to make sure that all confusion was dispensed with, even requesting that the visiting monks from Hadrumetum spend as much time as needed under his mentorship. When further questions were raised after the reception of De gratia et libero arbitrio, he again took up the pen to compose another treatise, De correptione et gratia, hoping to further clear the mists of confusion. The bishop of Hippo provides his readers, then and now, with a great example of both how to be a defender of the faith and a pastor of the flock. It is hoped that each of these emphases will be brought to light in this thesis towards greater encouragement for pastors and churches.

Survey of Current Scholarship
Augustine is surely one of the most studied of the church fathers and may even be the most studied figure in Christian history after the closing of the New Testament canon. In regard to writings on the Pelagian controversy proper there appears to be no end. If this is so, why should there be another study of this aspect of Augustine’s theology? Interestingly, when it comes to so-called semi-Pelagianism, much less has been written. Two of the most important English works on this dispute are Rebecca Harden Weaver’s Divine Grace and Human Agency: A Study of the Semi-Pelagian Controversy and Donato Ogliari’s excellent work Gratia et Certamen: The Relationship Between Grace and Free Will in the Discussion of Augustine with the So-Called Semipelagians. In both of these monographs a chapter is dedicated to the historical developments leading up to the Massilian controversy with particular attention paid to De gratia et libero arbitrio. Yet, as noted, no detailed theological comparison is made between it and Epistle 194. Each of them are more general studies of the Massilian dispute spanning from its beginnings in Africa and culminating with the Second Council of Orange in 529 (in particular Weaver).
A related study is Gerald Bonner’s Freedom and Necessity: St. Augustine’s Teaching on Divine Power and Human Freedom.[12] Bonner is a well-published Augustinian scholar who is a leading authority on Pelagianism. A later chapter in this work focuses on the issue at Hadrumetum and offers some insightful analysis of Augustine’s doctrine of grace in relation to free will. Unfortunately, Bonner is highly critical of Augustine’s theology of grace and often uses negative adjectives that mar the tone of his work.
The critical work of Roland J. Teske in Answer to the Pelagians, IV: To the Monks of Hadrumetum and Provence is indispensable to any study of the Massilian controversy. Teske has given to students of Augustine a translation that is not encumbered with the older English found in the Post-Nicene Fathers edition of the anti-Pelagian writings.[13] In addition to the four Massilian treatises, Teske has provided the background correspondence between Augustine and Valentinus and others, as well as relevant selections from the Retractationes. Also, Teske’s introductory remarks and commentary offer much in the way of guidance and direction.
A number of general studies on Augustine’s thought regarding grace and free will are worth noting. Eleonore Stump’s “Augustine on Free Will”[14] is a good place to begin to understand the bishop’s often-difficult teaching. Also helpful is Nico W. den Bok’s article “Freedom of the Will: A systematic and biographical sounding of Augustine’s thoughts on human willing.”[15] The former is introductory in nature while the latter is more detailed in its analysis; both provide helpful introductory material to this aspect of Augustine’s theology.
William Lane Craig’s “Augustine on Foreknowledge and Free Will”[16] is a philosophical discussion of Augustine’s “theological fatalism” that sets the bishop within the flow of western thought ranging back to Greek philosophers such as Aristotle and Cicero. Craig assumes a “Molinist middle-knowledge” position on grace and foreknowledge and his article suffers from some of those presuppositions.
John M. Rist’s “Augustine on Free Will and Predestination”[17] is a survey of Augustine’s writings on grace and free will in more of a survey fashion. He deals with De gratia et libero arbitrio among others of the Pelagian and Massilian writings, but he branches out farther into other works of Augustine such as De ciuitate Dei and Enchiridion. He explains the categories and terminology in reference to grace and free will used by Augustine in relevant collected writings.
Other helpful scholarly discussions on Augustine, grace, free will and general Pelagianism can be found in the bibliography below.

Conclusion
This period in late antiquity was awash in theological controversy. It also saw the persecution of the church at the hands of political leaders. Arguably the most important defender of the faith “once delivered” at this time was Augustine of Hippo. A lengthy dispute that assumed much of Augustine’s later career was the Pelagian controversy. In it, the “doctor of grace” defeated theologians of various backgrounds and abilities. After the controversy itself had died down, a similar, but slightly different discussion arose amongst monastic communities in western Africa and Southern Gaul. Augustine handled these in a fashion somewhat unlike the one he used against the Pelagian heretics. Instead of heavy-handed language and political intervention he offered pastoral insight and care.
The influence of Augustine’s teaching on grace has been far reaching in the history of the church. During the medieval period theologians such as Anselm of Canterbury and Thomas Aquinas developed aspects of Augustine’s thinking, adding their own peculiar perspectives to it. In the sixteenth century, a rediscovery of Augustine’s doctrine of grace ignited a flame that burnt across Europe in the Protestant Reformation. Men like Martin Luther and John Calvin quoted often from Augustine in their development of the doctrines of grace, so much so in Calvin that Calvinism can rightly be referred to as Augustinianism. This flame continues to burn to this day as Christians continue to try and understand the relationship between God’s sovereignty and human responsibility.
May it be that this proposed thesis would offer an historical perspective on this certain aspect of Augustine’s writing and a theological and practical perspective that would be of benefit to the academy and the church. A comparison of Epistle 194 and De gratia et libero arbitrio will be useful to the historian who seeks greater detail in his or her understanding of the development of Augustine’s thought. For the Christian, theologian or layperson, Augustine’s teaching on grace and free will will hopefully become clearer in their minds. And may his pastoral care also be an example to Christians everywhere when they seek to correct brothers and sisters in Christ on such an important theological topic.

[1] Augustine, “Epistle 194” in Saint Augustine: Letters Volume IV (165-203) trans. Wilfrid Parsons (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1955), 301-332.
[2] Rebecca Harden Weaver, Divine Grace and Human Agency: A Study of the Semi-Pelagian Controversy (Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1996), 5.
[3] Peter Brown, “Pelagius and His Supporters: Aims and Environment” in Journal of Theological Studies XIX.1 (April 1968): 93-114. See also Eugene TeSelle, “Pelagius, Pelagianism” in Allan D. Fitzgerald ed., Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids/Cambridge, Michigan/United Kingdom: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999), 633-640.
[4] Rebecca Harden Weaver, “Hadrumetum” in Allan D. Fitzgerald ed., Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids/Cambridge, Michigan/United Kingdom: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999), 633-640.
[5] Augustine, “Grace and Free Choice” in Roland J. Teske trans., Answer to the Pelagians, IV: To the Monks of Hadrumetum and Provence. In The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century 1.26 (Hyde Park, New York: New City Press, 1999), 71-106.
[6] Donato Ogliari, Gratia et Certamen: The Relationship Between Grace and Free Will in the Discussion of Augustine with the So-Called Semipelagians (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2003), 58.
[7] For the sake of this proposal the terms Massilian/Massilianism will be used instead of semi-Pelagianism. For more on why the term semi-Pelagian is inappropriate see Mary Alphonsine Lesousky, The De Dono Perseverantiae of Saint Augustine: A Translation with An Introduction and Commentary (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1956), 35-39; Roland J. Teske, “General Introduction” in Roland J. Teske trans. Answer to the Pelagians, IV: To the Monks of Hadrumetum and Provence in The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century 1.26 (Hyde Park, New York: New City Press, 1999), 11; Conrad Leyser, “Semi-Pelagianism” in Allan D. Fitzgerald ed., Augustine Through the Ages: An Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids/Cambridge, Michigan/United Kingdom: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999), 761-766. See Ogliari, Gratia et Certamen, 5-9 for reasons why Massilian/Massilianism are better terms.
[8] The four treatises can be found in Teske, Answer to the Pelagians IV.
[9] Weaver, Divine Grace and Human Agency, 4 (emphasis mine).
[10] Ogliari, Gratia et Certamen, 58.
[11] In fact, they are the last works mentioned in Augustine’s Retractationes, see Augustine, “Revisions II 66 (93)” in Roland J. Teske trans. Answer to the Pelagians, IV: To the Monks of Hadrumetum and Provence in The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century 1.26 (Hyde Park, New York: New City Press, 1999), 70; Augustine, “Revisions II 67 (94)” in Roland J. Teske trans. Answer to the Pelagians, IV: To the Monks of Hadrumetum and Provence in The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century 1.26 (Hyde Park, New York: New City Press, 1999), 108.
[12] Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2007.
[13] Philip Schaff ed., Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers Volume 5. Augustin: Anti-Pelagian Writings (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, Inc., 2004).
[14] In The Cambridge Companion to Augustine, eds. Eleonore Stump and Norman Kretzmann (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 124-147.
[15] Augustiniana 44 (1994): 237-270.
[16] Augustinian Studies 15 (1984): 41-63.
[17] Journal of Theological Studies XX.2 (October 1969): 421-447.